But it must be accepted that the situation in Belarus seems to have come to a stalemate. There is no need to actually arrest (as in court sentence, even if administrative arrest) or even detain (as in grabbed in the street or at home) everyone. The randomness and time discrepancy (more and more cases related to past actions are happening )of detentions and, from within those, of arrests, is precisely what allows to play the long game.
Ce texte est une réponse à l’analyse sur Bélarus publié sur le site Arguments pour la Lutte Sociale sous le titre Bélarus : portée, taches, perspectives (1er partie).
Notas para a esquerda séria portuguesa A extrema direita na Belarus representa na pior das hipóteses possível (em […]
Maybe as a consequence of overconfidence or simply of not realising that the audience has developed more acute hearing capabilities, these adjustments sounded as if Siegfried just failed to grab Princess Odette and she smashed her face on the stage. The conductor Lukashenko rushed on to the stage to explain that a woman cannot have the main role in a country where the constitution is not adapted for a fragile woman.
Возможность продавить политические перемены обусловлены не только размером протестного движения, но и пониманием того, что существуют и другие люди, которые поддержат твои идеи. Ченовет однозначно утверждает, что все участники координированных акций, в которых будут участвовать 3,5% населения, должны четко осознавать, что помимо них, есть еще 3,49% населения, готовые в этой деятельности участвовать.
The capability to force political change comes not from the size of the movement alone, but also from the perception that there are other people who would support the same ideas. Chenoweth is clear when she says that 3.5 per cent of the population, who are actively engaged in their respective movement for change, is needed for success to be assured: “do I, part of the 3.5 per cent, perceive that there are 3.49 per cent more out there?”
(…) at dawn on Monday the city awoke out of its lethargy of centuries with the warm, soft breeze of a great man dead and rotting grandeur. Only then did we dare go in without attacking the crumbling walls of reinforced stone, as the more resolute had wished, and without using oxbows to knock the main door off its hinges, as others had proposed, because all that was needed was for someone to give a push and the great armored doors that had resisted the bombards of William Dampier during the building’s heroic days gave way (…)
The year of 1986 brought upon Belarus what is most likely the worst disaster ever caused by mankind. […]
From a geopolitical perspective Belarus is more ready now to be seduced by the west that it ever was. Further postponing on action from the EU will only push the country into Russia – although or different reasons, similar to what happened with Moldova where Russia constitutes more and more the “escape pod”. The recent developments with the prices of oil supply show that the tension is increasing. We cannot, nonetheless, expect for Belarus to, single-handed and extremis, simply cuts bonds with Russia – winters are pretty cold in Belarus without Russian energy.
Mazur, we are informed by the Unian, works for the Commissioner for Human Rights in the scope of the Ukrainian parliament. A noble mission, in fact.
Meanwhile he is one of the leaders of the Ukrainian National Assembly, of which the Ukrainian People’s Self-Defense Party is the paramilitary branch. The UNA is a far-right political formation and the UNSO is known for it’s participation in multiple post-soviet conflicts.
Further down the text we can read that “[the] main anti-Semitic crime observed is that of vandalism, including desecration of graves, synagogues and memorials to victims of the Holocaust, with the methods including the breaking of windows, arson or anti-Semitic or neo-Nazi graffiti.”